Jefferson Flanders

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Michael Bloomberg: Triple Threat

From Success magazine, March 2012 issue

As he stood on the rooftop of the Z NYC Hotel, with the iconic Manhattan skyline glistening in the afternoon sunlight behind him, Michael Bloomberg deftly fielded questions from a group of journalists.

The 108th mayor of New York City was clearly in his element: confident, persuasive, in command of the facts, comfortable dealing with topics ranging from the troubled presidential campaign of Herman Cain to the Occupy Wall Street encampment to the intricacies of the city’s budgetary process.

Bloomberg had come from City Hall to Long Island City, Queens, to celebrate the opening of Z NYC, a boutique hotel built by real estate developer Henry Zilberman (hence the “Z” in its name). It was Bloomberg’s second scheduled media stop on a surprisingly balmy Monday in November. At 7:30 a.m., encircled by a media throng, he had greeted commuters at a bus stop on 34th Street and Eighth Avenue, where he touted the city’s new curbside fare payment machines designed to get riders aboard the bus faster.

The Queens event that afternoon provided Bloomberg a chance to promote his administration’s record on economic development. While city officials, local hotel executives and Queens politicians looked on, Bloomberg rattled off the impressive statistics: New York’s tourism industry now represented a $31 billion-a-year industry employing an estimated 323,000 workers; a boom in hotel construction meant a record 90,000 rooms would be available by the end of 2011, a 24 percent increase since 2006.

Bloomberg also took the opportunity to argue that his pro-growth policies and fiscal prudence had helped New York City emerge from the national recession faster than the rest of the country.

“If you look in all four directions,” he said, “the city is booming.”

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Cold War questions: Soviet espionage and American Jews

September 25, 2011

The organizers of a conference held at the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research this past Tuesday in New York City chose a provocative title: “Soviet Espionage and American Jews.”

While perhaps not a hot button topic today with the Cold War now over, nevertheless any public consideration of links between Jews and subversion should make us uneasy–for the alleged treachery of the Chosen People has been a favorite trope of anti-Semites throughout the ages. That concern shouldn’t freeze historical inquiry or debate, of course; it should, however, encourage very careful scholarship and discourage broad generalizations about “the Jews” and their role in Soviet espionage.

As Jonathan Brent, the executive director of the YIVO Institute, pointed out in his opening remarks, the historical reality is that Jews were prominent members of the Soviet elite, and were disproportionately represented in both the American Communist Party and in the ranks of those spying on the United States in the 1930s and 1940s. Some scholars have argued that Judaism’s concern with social justice, its prophetic identification with the oppressed, and its Messianic strain made those raised in its traditions naturally more sympathetic to socialist or Marxist thought. (It should be noted that unlike secular or Reform Jews, Orthodox Jews have been more or less resistant to Leftist ideology.) The leadership of the New Left in the 1960s and 1970s was also heavily Jewish, proving that left-of-center Utopian politics continued to retain their allure for many of Jewish descent.

Yet what became clear during the conference, which featured a panel discussion of the Rosenberg spy ring (that group of primarily Jewish engineers who passed military and atomic secrets to the Soviets in the 1940s), was that ideology, not religious identity, served to motivate their underground activities. For example, Joel Barr, a member of the Rosenberg ring who fled to the Soviet Union to avoid prosecution, later told conference panelist Steve Usdin, author of Engineering Communism, that he spied “…because I was a Communist.”

Barr believed in the promise of Marxism to reshape the world, and his willingness to pass information about American weapon systems stemmed from that conviction. The same can be said for the others of Jewish descent providing Moscow with scientific information (the XY Line in KGB terms), like Ted Hall and his Harvard roommate, Saville Sax, who offered up Manhattan Project secrets. It had nothing to do with their Jewishness: they believed that the new Jerusalem would be found in Moscow, not in Israel. They shared this vision of a Socialist Paradise with the non-Jews who spied for the GRU and KGB like Alger Hiss, William Remington, Whittaker Chambers, Elizabeth Bentley, William Henry Taylor, Lauchlin Currie, Donald Wheeler, and Duncan Chaplin Lee.

As a totalitarian system, Communism demanded total allegiance. Some young college-educated Americans of Jewish descent, like the core members of the Rosenberg ring, were consciously repudiating their Jewish identity in embracing the internationalism, and materialism, of their adopted ideology.* They can be more accurately characterized, then, as young American Communists whose education and employment made them useful to the Soviet intelligence apparatus and who (in most cases) happened to be of Jewish descent. While they may have been ethnically Jewish, they had rejected their community and abandoned the faith of their fathers in favor of a different God, the God That Failed.

Other insights

For anyone interested in the spy games of the early Cold War, the conference offered some interesting historical insights:

  • Despite the large number of Jews caught up in espionage, Sen. Joseph McCarthy and other anti-Communists of the Right did not politicize the situation by blaming Jews for subversion. Panelist Harvey Klehr, Emory University professor and co-author of Spies: The Rise and Fall of the KGB in America, noted that McCarthy “did not bring that toxic brew into the mainstream” but instead focused his attacks on WASP Establishment figures like Dean Acheson and George Marshall. Had he chosen to scapegoat Jews, Klehr argued, “the results would have been very ugly.”
  • With historical scholarship establishing that Julius Rosenberg was a Soviet agent and that his wife Ethel was also deeply implicated in espionage, their Old Left supporters have shifted their defense of the couple. They are now arguing that the Rosenberg’s refusal to come clean represented a noble commitment to “a higher duty than the truth,” according to Ron Radosh, the preeminent historian of the Rosenberg case.
  • Morton Sobell, a member of the Rosenberg ring who belatedly acknowledged his role as a Soviet spy in 2008, recently admitted to novelist David Evanier that, in retrospect, “I backed the wrong horse.” Evanier told the conference, however, that Sobell remained reluctant to reexamine the crimes of Stalinism.
  • The contrast between the harsh sentences for the Rosenberg spy ring members (including death sentences for Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, and 30 years for courier Harry Gold) and the relatively light sentence in Great Britain for Soviet spy Klaus Fuchs reflected cultural differences about what constituted appropriate punishment and not anti-Semitism by the U.S. courts, maintained Allen Hornblum, author of The Invisible Harry Gold: The Man Who Gave the Soviets the Atomic Bomb.
  • The amateurism of some members of the Rosenberg ring was comical at times. Steve Usdin recounted how Joel Barr violated basic spycraft by recording directions from his KGB handlers and details of his assumed identity in a pocket notebook. Evanier related how when Sobell fled to Mexico City in 1950 (as the FBI closed in on the spy ring), he forgot to bring his passport.

* It was no different for the New Left. In a disjointed yet revealing talk former SDS leader Mark Rudd gave in 2005 entitled “Why were there so many Jews in SDS? (or, The Ordeal of Civility),” he noted that “…by being radicals we thought we could escape our Jewishness. Left-wing radicalism was internationalist, not narrow nationalist; it favored the oppressed and the workers, not the privileged and elites, which our families were striving toward.”

Copyright © 2011 Jefferson Flanders
All rights reserved

An uneasy Independence Day

July 4, 2011

I wandered down to Lexington’s town center this afternoon. In honor of July 4th, American flags on sturdy wooden poles lined both sides of Massachusetts Avenue. The usual tourists, picnickers, and frisbee-throwers were on the Battle Green, enjoying a sunny Monday holiday. Some visitors paused to snap photos of Henry Hudson Kitson’s iconic statue of Captain John Parker while other out-of-towners congregated at the Revolutionary monument, erected in 1799, to read its inscription honoring the Minutemen.

Lexington, MA

I couldn’t help thinking that this Independence Day seemed somewhat different, coming at a time of national discontent and of widespread uneasiness about the direction of the country. Usually upbeat Americans are worried: in some polls, a majority say that their children will not achieve the same quality of life; many believe the country’s best days are past; there’s anxiety about prolonged high levels of unemployment and in the aftermath of the Great Recession concerns about a long-term economic decline for the U.S. Few have confidence in the country’s leadership, Republican or Democrat.

It’s not just our political leaders who are failing us. The Boston Globe carried two stories Saturday about significant ethical missteps by senior Harvard faculty members. A front page story reported that three Harvard Medical School physicians had been sanctioned for violating conflict of interest rules by not disclosing millions of dollars in consulting fees from drug makers. Another Globe story detailed the unsavory connection between Monitor Group, a consulting firm founded by Harvard professors, and Libyan strongman Moammar Khadafy. By its own admission, the firm ran a stealth public-relations campaign for Khadafy’s regime between 2006 and 2008 that included “payments to a raft of intellectuals and public figures who visited Libya.”

Personal enrichment—or what used to be called greed—seems to have been a motivating factor in both cases, trumping values like professional integrity and disciplinary ethics, not to mention common sense (What clear-thinking person would get involved with a madman like Khadafy?). Sadly, the Harvard professoriate isn’t alone in its abandonment of traditional values; moral lapses by our leaders have become all too commonplace.

In one key arena, American elites haven’t failed of late: they have perfected the art of self-advancement, along with adopting a quick-money ethos. The growing income gap in the U.S. reflects, in part, this quest for money, power, and (more recently) celebrity. American CEOs collect vast sums of money, even as their corporations stumble and lose value. Hedge fund managers and Wall Street speculators make overnight fortunes for “financial reengineering.” The legal profession hasn’t been shy about sharing in the prosperity (deserved or otherwise) of its clients. Even those in professions known in the past for service have sought—under the principle of “keeping up with the Jones”— to improve their lot: doctors, nonprofit executives, college presidents, and journalists have all seen their compensation levels soar in the past few decades.

It’d be hard to begrudge awarding elites outsized compensation if—and it’s a big “if”—we could see that they’d earned it. But can anyone say that our corporations are better run? Or that Wall Street machinations have helped expand our economy? Or that our nonprofits and institutions of higher learning are doing a better job of meeting their missions? The gap between promise and performance isn’t lost on average Americans; those same public opinion surveys show respect for businessmen, lawyers, journalists, and bankers remains low. (Only military officers and nurses are widely seen as honest and ethical).

The clearest disconnect between American elites and Americans in general is found in our governance. There is the belief held across the ideological spectrum that politicians, whether in Washington or in statehouses around the country, have not been serving the public interest. Instead, they have looked first to their own interests (reelection, special perks, a generous government pension) or to pleasing their top contributors. They have shied away from making hard choices. (Not surprisingly, members of Congress and lobbyists join car salespeople at the bottom of the Gallup survey list for honesty and ethical standards.)

The Tea Party movement that emerged in 2009 represents a populist response to this gap between what Americans expect from their elected officials and what they have been getting. It’s a mistake to see Tea Party activism as solely aimed at President Obama and liberal Democrats—the anger has also been directed at establishment Republicans who have voted for an unparalleled run-up in federal spending over the past decade (much of it for three unpopular wars, it should be noted) despite campaign promises to rein in Big Government.

The challenges we collectively face on Independence Day 2011—a looming deficit, faltering employment growth, growing income inequality, partisan bickering, and concerns about our future place in the world economy—are all surmountable (and certainly no more daunting than the challenges of 1775, 1860, 1929, 1941 or 1980). Yet they will require our leaders to put country first and personal interests second. They will require shared sacrifices. And those entrusted with power—in all sectors, public, private, and nonprofit—will need to lead by example. Whether American elites are willing and able to accept personal accountability and return to an ethos of stewardship is—today—an unanswered question.


Copyright © 2011 Jefferson Flanders
All rights reserved

A close-run thing: winning the American revolution

The success of American revolutionaries in wresting independence from Great Britain today carries an aura of inevitability. Nothing could be further from the historical truth. In fact, on several occasions early in the conflict the Continental Army came within hours of total defeat on the battlefield. The eventual outcome of the revolution was, to borrow a Britishism, a close-run thing.

It requires a leap of imagination for 21st century Americans to understand how desperate the situation on the ground was for the revolutionaries in the first years of the insurrection. The Continental Army survived three very close calls—at Bunker Hill, Brooklyn Heights, and Trenton—where the outcome hung in the balance. Only a combination of tactical mistakes by the King’s generals, General George Washington’s skill at extricating the Americans from tight spots, and a fair measure of luck kept the revolutionaries from suffering a military debacle that would have ended effective organized resistance to the Crown.

British mistakes at Bunker Hill

The British squandered an opportunity to inflict a devastating defeat on the American army at the Battle of Bunker Hill in June 1775. General Thomas Gage chose a frontal assault on the rebel forces occupying the Charlestown peninsula’s high ground. Gage ignored the advice of perhaps his most astute general, Henry Clinton, who argued for landing troops north of Bunker Hill, behind the main position of the rebels, and occupying Charleston Neck, the narrow isthmus between the Charles River and the Mystic River connecting Charlestown to the mainland. That move would have would cut off supplies to the entrenched colonials and closed off any avenue of escape. Gage was apparently more interested in avenging his losses at Lexington and Concord and in teaching the rebels a corrective lesson about British military might than in producing a swift, and relatively bloodless, surrender.

Clinton later wrote: “Mr. Gage thought himself so well informed that he would not take any opinions of others, particularly a man bred up in the German school, which that of America affects to despise…These people seem to have no idea of any other than a direct [attack].” (Clinton thought of himself as belonging to the “German school” because he had served under Prince Ferdinand of Prussia and the Duke of Brunswick.)

bunker_hill

Instead of the bloody frontal assault chosen by British commander Thomas Gage, General Clinton argued for cutting off American forces by capturing Charlestown Neck, the isthmus north of Bunker Hill. (Source: earlyamerica.com.)

Rejecting Clinton’s counsel, Gage elected for an amphibious assault and ordered Major General William Howe to lead light infantry and marines against the entrenched Americans on Breed’s Hill. With thousands watching from the surrounding hills and roof-tops of Boston, the British marched uphill into withering fire from the Continental forces. Instead of quickly breaking the American line, it took three attempts and staggering losses before Howe’s troops could dislodge the Continentals.

Although they forced the rebels from the high ground, the British lost their chance to deal the rebellion a possibly fatal blow in its infancy. Further, American irregulars showed they were capable of standing up against Europe’s finest infantry. Clinton’s telling verdict on British success: “A dear bought victory, another such would have ruined us.”

Washington’s Brooklyn escape

The second near-disastrous moment for the Americans came in August 1776. The Continental Army, now led by George Washington, had been routed in the Battle of Long Island. More than half of Washington’s army, and most of his general staff, retreated to fortifications on Brooklyn Heights, which left them trapped between British and Hessian troops and the East River. General Howe, now commanding the British forces, ignored the entreaties of Clinton and General John Vaughn for an all-out assault on the American line and instead settled on more methodical siege tactics.

Washington recognized the precariousness of the American position. A steady north wind kept Royal Navy warships from moving up the East River and sealing off his evacuation route to Manhattan, but there was no guarantee it would persist. Observing from aboard the frigate HMS Rainbow in New York Harbor, Captain George Collier wrote in his diary: “If we become masters of this body of rebels (which I think is inevitable), the war is at an end.”

In what proved to be a master stroke, Washington ordered the secret night-time evacuation of the American forces across the East River. A flotilla of boats ferried the soldiers to Manhattan, and a late summer fog helped mask the movement of the army. Even then, it was touch-and-go. British pickets arrived at the landing just as the last boats, with the American rearguard, including Washington, embarked for New York. “In the history of warfare, I do not recollect a more fortunate retreat,” Benjamin Tallmadge, then a major on Washington’s staff, later observed.

A frustrated Captain Collier blamed Howe for the escape of the rebels, sarcastically noting: “The having to deal with a generous, merciful forbearing enemy who would take no unfair advantages must have been highly satisfactory to General Washington…” The Americans also recognized that their last-minute salvation was due, in part, to Howe’s passivity. General Israel Putnam commented: “General Howe is either our friend or no general. He had our whole Army in his power…and yet suffered us to escape without the least interruption…Had he instantly followed up his victory, the consequence to the cause of liberty would have been dreadful.” Washington, also puzzled by Howe’s tactics, wrote: “There is something exceedingly mysterious in the conduct of the enemy.”

Some historians have conjectured that Howe, who had seen the carnage inflicted by Continental muskets and rifles at Bunker Hill first hand, was wary of mounting another frontal attack. Howe later defended his tactics, explaining that the American “lines must become ours at a very cheap rate by regular approaches” and “I would not risk the loss that might have been sustained in the assault.”

Others have speculated that as a Whig sympathetic to the colonial cause, Howe hoped to see the dispute between the colonists and Great Britain settled peacefully rather than on the battlefield. Charles Stedman, a British officer, attributed Howe’s cautious New York campaign to “the reluctance of the commander in chief to shed the blood of a people so nearly allied.” Howe had been given the authority, along with his brother, Admiral Richard Howe, to extend pardons to the colonial leaders if they abandoned their rebellion, an offer swiftly refused. (Connecticut’s Jonathan Trumbull, the only incumbent colonial governor to support independence, tartly observed that “[n]o doubt we all need a pardon from Heaven for our manifold sins and transgressions; but the American who needs the pardon of his Britannic Majesty is yet to be found.”)

george washington, 1776

Charles Willson Peale portrait of George Washington, composed during the summer of 1776. (Source: georgewashingtonwired.org.)

Whatever Howe’s reasons, after the near-disaster at Brooklyn Washington realized that he could not risk set-piece battles between his raw troops and seasoned British and Hessian veterans. His message to Congress days after the evacuation outlined the Fabian tactics he would successfully employ for the remainder of the conflict. “On our side the war should be defensive,” he wrote. “We should on all occasions avoid a general action, and never be drawn into a necessity to put anything to risk.”

Trenton: Washington eludes a trap

The third decisive moment came shortly after Washington’s stirring victory over the Hessians at Trenton on December 26, 1776 had revived the flagging revolutionary cause. The Continental Army had quickly returned to Pennsylvania, but days later Washington re-crossed the Delaware to begin a campaign against the British outposts in New Jersey.

British forces led by Lieutenant General Charles Cornwallis marched from Princeton to confront him in Trenton on January 2, 1777. After a series of skirmishes (the Second Battle of Trenton), by late in the afternoon the Americans had moved to positions along the Assunpink Creek, with the British to their north and the Delaware River to their west. Ice on the river blocked any escape by boat, so a Brooklyn-like evacuation would not be possible.

“The damned rebels are cornered at last,” Cornwallis told an officer on his staff. His quartermaster, William Erskine, urged a twilight attack: “If Washington is the general I take him to be, he will not be found there in the morning.” But Cornwallis decided to wait; it was growing dark, his men were tired from a long march on muddy roads, and initial assaults had met stiff resistance. He could see that the Continental lines extended three miles along the Assunpink and that if he turned the left flank of the Americans to the east, he could close the trap, pinning the insurgents with the Delaware at their backs. Legend has it that Cornwallis boasted: “We’ve got the old fox safe now. We’ll go over and bag him in the morning.”

assunpink

Washington escaped the trap at Trenton by secretly sending American forces around the left flank of the British in the middle of the night and then moving north up the back roads across Quaker Bridge to Princeton. (Source: britishbattles.com.)

Washington saw the danger. While he had roughly the same number of troops as Cornwallis (roughly 5,000 men), he had little, if any, room to retreat. After a council of war, Washington decided on a bold move: surreptitiously maneuvering around the British left flank, in the middle of the night, and then falling upon the rearguard Cornwallis had left behind in Princeton. A small decoy force of Americans kept the campfires burning, while Washington’s troops began their march north. The daring plan worked. Colder weather froze the roads and the rebels were able to steal away without alerting the British. Cornwallis did not realize the “old fox” had side-stepped the trap until he heard the sound of cannons from the battle in Princeton in the morning.

Washington’s unexpected successes at Trenton and Princeton came at a crucial juncture in the war. They kept American hopes alive until a pivotal victory at Saratoga over Gentleman Johnny Burgoyne in the fall of 1777 encouraged the French to enter the conflict on the side of the colonists. Washington’s reputation as a general soared both at home and abroad; English politician and man-of-letters Horace Walpole wrote that “[h]is march through our lines is acknowledged to have been a prodigy of generalship” and compared the American commander to the Roman generals Fabius and Camillus.

Victory against the odds

Like many who have been through a near-death experience, America’s revolutionaries tried to make sense out of what had happened to them. It’s no surprise that many of the Founders saw a providential hand at work in their miraculous deliverance from the jaws of defeat.

How else to explain the success of their “rabble in arms” against the mightiest army and navy of the 18th century? Or the strange weather—wind, rainstorms, and fog—that allowed Washington and his men to escape across the East River? Or the sudden freeze that made the back roads from Trenton to Princeton passable for the Continental army? Or the numerous times that Washington avoided capture or death on the battlefield?

Washington wrote years after the war: “The man must be bad indeed who can look upon the events of the American Revolution without feeling the warmest gratitude toward the great Author of the Universe whose divine interposition was so frequently manifested in our behalf.” Benjamin Franklin abandoned his Enlightenment skepticism when reflecting on the triumph of the revolutionary cause. “All of us who were engaged in the struggle must have observed frequent instances of a Superintending providence in our favor,” he told fellow delegates at the Federal Convention of 1787. “I have lived, sir, a long time, and the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this truth, that God governs in the affairs of men.”

Yet it’s not necessary to believe in predestination, or in divine intervention, to marvel at the perseverance of the American revolutionaries and their sacrifices to achieve victory against very long odds. What makes their triumph even more remarkable is what so nearly came to pass—and didn’t—in those decisive early “what if” moments.


Copyright © 2011 Jefferson Flanders
All rights reserved

Drone Wars

Reprinted from Washington Decoded, January 2010

MADRID, 12 March 2013 (or 2017) – Former US President Barack Obama today abruptly canceled a scheduled trip to Spain after learning that he might be arrested on war crimes charges stemming from past American drone attacks on Al Qaeda leaders. The Nobel Peace Prize winner postponed his planned address to Madrid University students after judge Baltasar Garzón, acting on a request by human rights lawyers, issued arrest warrants for Obama and former CIA Director Leon Panetta under the legal doctrine known as “universal jurisdiction.” It allows for the local prosecution of grave human rights crimes regardless of where they were committed.

Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) have all condemned US “Predator” and “Reaper” strikes on Al Qaeda and Taliban members as illegal extrajudicial executions, and have characterized collateral civilian deaths as a violation of international human rights law.

Does this scenario seem far-fetched? It’s not.

US government officials face the real possibility of future arrest and trial in Europe over Washington’s “drone war” in Pakistan—the targeted killing of Al Qaeda and Taliban leaders using missiles fired from remotely-controlled Predator and Reaper aircraft (or UCAV, for Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles in military jargon). And the problem underscores a fundamental deficit in US policy since 2001: an inability or unwillingness by Washington to directly confront the limitations of international law in dealing with terrorism in the post-9/11 world.

The use of drones in regions where US forces are not declared combatants represents, in a nutshell, many of the moral and legal quandaries the United States has struggled with since 9/11. If the conflict with Al Qaeda is a war without borders, then targeted killings are scarcely different than taking down a combatant in any war. But if a state of armed conflict doesn’t exist, or if targeted killings aren’t regarded as a legitimate act of self-defense, then these attacks violate current international law.

Looking at it another way, if Khalid Sheikh Mohammed (KSM), the mastermind behind 9/11, were driving in the Pakistani tribal areas in a Land Rover today, according to US policy, it would be entirely legitimate to put him in the cross-hairs of a lethal drone. Instead, he is slated to stand trial in New York where he will be presumed innocent and where the emphasis will be on proving his guilt. Theoretically at least, KSM could walk out of court a free man.

This inexplicable contradiction underscores the inability of the United States and the world community to devise new legal conventions in the wake of 9/11. An internationalist-minded president would seek to shape international law to present conditions, rather than continually bending the law until it snaps back, with unintended consequences.

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